Monday, November 14, 2016

Discussing Our Opposition---#1

Many friends have sent in comments regarding the "Our Opposition" post below. Here is a comment from a valued friend who does great work in the local anti-racist movement and a response. And for some reason Blogger will not allow us to take down the different versions of  the "Our Opposition" post and folks are hitting all four. I'm sorry about that, but it can't yet be helped. Many thanks!

Response From A Friend

I think voter suppression, I think voter suppression, a stunningly ignorant electorate (including those who choose not to vote or vote 3rd party because they insist there's no difference between the 2 major parties), the media (SNL's opening on 11/5/16 was pretty spot-on), the FBI, and racism/sexism/xenophobia are all much more responsible for what happened Tuesday night. I think putting so much of the blame on Clinton, a flawed mainstream politician to be sure, excuses those things. Even Noam Chomsky advocated voting for Clinton, as did Bernie Sanders. In a sane world, the choice was clear. Trump is the definition of a demagogue, and that anyone would vote for him is a sad commentary on our society.

Perhaps in a so-called anti-establishment climate, Clinton wasn't the best choice. But I'm not convinced Sanders would have won and nobody else was remotely viable (or better than Clinton). I also question how "anti-establishment" the electorate is given how many incumbents won re-election as usual. More than anything, I think what we're experiencing is a white backlash by ignorant and bigoted people. I certainly don't think the average Trump supporter was sitting around having in-depth discussions about trade policy or any policy for that matter. For one thing, Trump himself didn't offer substantive positions. For another thing, survey after survey makes it clear that the average American is clueless. Millions of people can't even name the Vice President, much less express a nuanced position on a complex subject like trade or debt. Both our media and our educational institutions are failing us.

I'm afraid the decades of right wing hate (much of it rooted in sexism) directed at Clinton has leached into the consciousness of leftists and left-leaning people. Bill Maher, who I don't always appreciate, said it well: http://www.rawstory.com/2016/10/bill-maher-calls-bullsht-on-lesser-of-two-evils-voter-complaints-grow-the-fck-up/. So did John Oliver: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k3O01EfM5fU.

I admit to once being one of those "no lesser evil," Green Party voting people, but I came to recognize that I was exhibiting white privilege by doing so. And I read these mindset-changing pieces by Julio Huato: http://mailman.lbo-talk.org/2011/2011-June/007032.html and http://www.swans.com/library/art11/jhuato01.html. I don't agree with everything Huato wrote, but I'm with him when he writes "we cannot just will conditions that don't exist." As Bernard Chazelle wrote years ago, "America has lefties but no left." Lefties/leftists haven't laid the groundwork necessary for structural change.

A Clinton Administration wouldn't foment hatred or roll back progress made in the area of civil rights, it wouldn't nominate horrifyingly right wing justices for the Supreme Court, it wouldn't try to privatize Soc Sec/Medicare/infrastructure, it would pursue alternative energy investment and maintain the US's position in the Paris Climate Treaty, it would maintain the Iran nuclear deal, it would have worked to lower the costs of health care and college tuition, and on and on and on. Again, the choice should have been clear to any decent person.

I watched all 3 debates and I'd never before seen one candidate so thoroughly dominate the other. Clinton kicked Trump's ass in every debate. She offered substantive policy proposals, whereas Trump did not. She gave some pretty inspiring speeches, whereas Trump fomented hate with speech that can barely be considered coherent (read the transcripts of his speeches and try to figure out what the hell he's saying half the time). And she did win the popular vote.

All that said, the Clinton Administration would likely have compromised too much (often starting from a position of compromise as Democrats are wont to do) and wouldn't have followed through on various promises (leftists would, of course, need to put pressure on the administration). It would have been an extension of the Obama Administration but probably slightly more progressive (thanks in part to the pressure imparted by Sanders) by virtue of society (seemingly) moving in that direction, especially had she won by the margin she should have won by.

But what's done is done and I do think we're long overdue for the Democratic Party to alter its course. Making Keith Ellison the new DNC Chair, something Sanders and others are advocating, would probably be a good start. Pushing hard for campaign finance reform, more labor unions, an investment in new industries (as the jobs that have left the US are never coming back) and an end to gerrymandering would also be good. And the Democratic Party (as the only viable alternative to the GOP in a 2-party system of government) most certainly needs to do more to combat oppression, which will only get worse given who is headed to the White House and how much control the Republican Party now has (at the local, state and federal levels of government).

I don't know what the answer is to combating all that ails us, but I don't think the answer is promoting socialism (very much a loaded and divisive term) or any other -ism (not that you're necessarily doing that). Attempting to persuade people that a certain term doesn't mean what they think it means seems like a poor use of time. And I question the efficacy of protest marches, though I understand why people are drawn to them during troubling times. I also don't want to kowtow to existing power structures. But "we" (those opposed to oppression?) must somehow find a way to achieve more concrete political victories, and that's going to require helping the electorate (and young people who will become part of the electorate) become more informed and more active (less mindless entertainment and more organizing around issues of concern). As Julio Huato wrote, "It seems to me that leaps in the quality of an organic process have to be preceded by a prolonged, very patient process of accumulation of small quantitative changes.  By definition, in and by themselves, quantitative changes do not alter the quality of the process. The quality remains. But those gradual changes prepare the sudden alteration in quality."

I haven't a clue how to achieve more political victories or address institutional racism (though I'm confident the former would aid in the latter), but I'm involved with RJOC and the NAACP as a means of figuring all of that out. Maybe some town hall meetings (with 30-50 residents of Salem-Keizer) would be worth organizing (some specifically for people under 18 and some for adults). Maybe going door-to-door between election cycles, and not just during campaign season, to discuss issues would be worth doing. I don't know. One thing I do know is that taking part in sparsely attended meetings of like-minded people isn't sufficient, therapeutic as those meetings can be.


Our Response

A note of self-criticism: I should have talked more in the "Our Opposition" post about the Voting Rights Act and the FBI. I would not say that people are "stunningly ignorant," however. The phrase could be misunderstood as elitist, might be taken as not showing real love for the people and their struggles and blocks organizing. If we approach people without taking into consider the facts---like I did by not talking about the Voting Rights Act or the FBI, or with the assumption that people are stupid---we can't get very far.

I agree in the main with what our friend says throughout his response, but there are some questions that arise. I don't think that Clinton was a good candidate, or the best candidate, who was put forward, and I don't want us to fall into the trap of making this about candidates. Elections can be---should be---about class and popular struggles, not candidates, It's how we initiate and respond to issues, not individuals, which matters. But how do the Democrats get new and better leadership without criticizing Clinton? Yesterday and today the Democratic party establishment began responding to criticism in unhelpful and obstructionist ways, so the circle-the-wagons mentality is there. The criticism of the Democratic party leadership is needed and deserved, but the folks who hung in there through the election have the credibility (and the responsibility) to fight it out, and they deserve our support.

Besides the Democratic party leadership obstructionists, there are others who potentially block change in the Democratic party. Some of these forces can be won over and others neutralized. Labor presents a special problem because some union leaderships are taking over liberal and progressive political campaigns on the bet that the push for change will increase and they want to direct that and use it, having learned much from Occupy. On the other hand, the union rank-and-file has a different interest and perhaps a different direction. There is an opportunity to win many changes in many areas if we work with all forces in motion on a united front basis.

The qualitative and quantitative juxtaposition and unity mentioned in our friend's response to us derives from dialectical; materialism, the best way to understand reality and change things. We have been saying this for years. The question arises---if one identifies as being on the left and looking at things dialectically, how can it be that we could never embrace a third party as a matter of principle, not promote socialism and not build a left? We say that the political options are so few and so poor precisely because leftists do not work from a socialist agenda in our daily work. We meet people every week who identify as being on the left but who have no connection to the core of the left, which should be socialists and socialist organizations. Their political work would be more effective were it built from a socialist base.

It is difficult to hear that there are leftists but no left here. This is becoming a common saying. Again, I argue that this appears to be true because socialists are not doing the work of organizing for socialism from a common home or homes.

Meetings are indeed poorly attended, and that is discouraging, but large demonstrations are taking place. We know that when we dare to struggle we most often win. A small meeting can organize a successful action, and action and victories lead to more actions and more victories. The need to "just do it" and the need to consolidate what we do organizationally is right in front of us.

Conversations like these orient towards the most politically engaged. My question remains: do we orient now towards the most politifally engaged or to the most disaffected?           

Discussing Our Opposition

Many friends have sent in comments regarding the "Our Opposition" post below. Here is a comment from a valued friend who does great work in the local anti-racist movement and a response. And for some reason Blogger will not allow us to take down the different versions of  the "Our Opposition" post and folks are hitting all four. I'm sorry about that, but it can't yet be helped. Many thanks!

Response From A Friend

I think voter suppression, I think voter suppression, a stunningly ignorant electorate (including those who choose not to vote or vote 3rd party because they insist there's no difference between the 2 major parties), the media (SNL's opening on 11/5/16 was pretty spot-on), the FBI, and racism/sexism/xenophobia are all much more responsible for what happened Tuesday night. I think putting so much of the blame on Clinton, a flawed mainstream politician to be sure, excuses those things. Even Noam Chomsky advocated voting for Clinton, as did Bernie Sanders. In a sane world, the choice was clear. Trump is the definition of a demagogue, and that anyone would vote for him is a sad commentary on our society.

Perhaps in a so-called anti-establishment climate, Clinton wasn't the best choice. But I'm not convinced Sanders would have won and nobody else was remotely viable (or better than Clinton). I also question how "anti-establishment" the electorate is given how many incumbents won re-election as usual. More than anything, I think what we're experiencing is a white backlash by ignorant and bigoted people. I certainly don't think the average Trump supporter was sitting around having in-depth discussions about trade policy or any policy for that matter. For one thing, Trump himself didn't offer substantive positions. For another thing, survey after survey makes it clear that the average American is clueless. Millions of people can't even name the Vice President, much less express a nuanced position on a complex subject like trade or debt. Both our media and our educational institutions are failing us.

I'm afraid the decades of right wing hate (much of it rooted in sexism) directed at Clinton has leached into the consciousness of leftists and left-leaning people. Bill Maher, who I don't always appreciate, said it well: http://www.rawstory.com/2016/10/bill-maher-calls-bullsht-on-lesser-of-two-evils-voter-complaints-grow-the-fck-up/. So did John Oliver: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k3O01EfM5fU.

I admit to once being one of those "no lesser evil," Green Party voting people, but I came to recognize that I was exhibiting white privilege by doing so. And I read these mindset-changing pieces by Julio Huato: http://mailman.lbo-talk.org/2011/2011-June/007032.html and http://www.swans.com/library/art11/jhuato01.html. I don't agree with everything Huato wrote, but I'm with him when he writes "we cannot just will conditions that don't exist." As Bernard Chazelle wrote years ago, "America has lefties but no left." Lefties/leftists haven't laid the groundwork necessary for structural change.

A Clinton Administration wouldn't foment hatred or roll back progress made in the area of civil rights, it wouldn't nominate horrifyingly right wing justices for the Supreme Court, it wouldn't try to privatize Soc Sec/Medicare/infrastructure, it would pursue alternative energy investment and maintain the US's position in the Paris Climate Treaty, it would maintain the Iran nuclear deal, it would have worked to lower the costs of health care and college tuition, and on and on and on. Again, the choice should have been clear to any decent person.

I watched all 3 debates and I'd never before seen one candidate so thoroughly dominate the other. Clinton kicked Trump's ass in every debate. She offered substantive policy proposals, whereas Trump did not. She gave some pretty inspiring speeches, whereas Trump fomented hate with speech that can barely be considered coherent (read the transcripts of his speeches and try to figure out what the hell he's saying half the time). And she did win the popular vote.

All that said, the Clinton Administration would likely have compromised too much (often starting from a position of compromise as Democrats are wont to do) and wouldn't have followed through on various promises (leftists would, of course, need to put pressure on the administration). It would have been an extension of the Obama Administration but probably slightly more progressive (thanks in part to the pressure imparted by Sanders) by virtue of society (seemingly) moving in that direction, especially had she won by the margin she should have won by.

But what's done is done and I do think we're long overdue for the Democratic Party to alter its course. Making Keith Ellison the new DNC Chair, something Sanders and others are advocating, would probably be a good start. Pushing hard for campaign finance reform, more labor unions, an investment in new industries (as the jobs that have left the US are never coming back) and an end to gerrymandering would also be good. And the Democratic Party (as the only viable alternative to the GOP in a 2-party system of government) most certainly needs to do more to combat oppression, which will only get worse given who is headed to the White House and how much control the Republican Party now has (at the local, state and federal levels of government).

I don't know what the answer is to combating all that ails us, but I don't think the answer is promoting socialism (very much a loaded and divisive term) or any other -ism (not that you're necessarily doing that). Attempting to persuade people that a certain term doesn't mean what they think it means seems like a poor use of time. And I question the efficacy of protest marches, though I understand why people are drawn to them during troubling times. I also don't want to kowtow to existing power structures. But "we" (those opposed to oppression?) must somehow find a way to achieve more concrete political victories, and that's going to require helping the electorate (and young people who will become part of the electorate) become more informed and more active (less mindless entertainment and more organizing around issues of concern). As Julio Huato wrote, "It seems to me that leaps in the quality of an organic process have to be preceded by a prolonged, very patient process of accumulation of small quantitative changes.  By definition, in and by themselves, quantitative changes do not alter the quality of the process. The quality remains. But those gradual changes prepare the sudden alteration in quality."

I haven't a clue how to achieve more political victories or address institutional racism (though I'm confident the former would aid in the latter), but I'm involved with RJOC and the NAACP as a means of figuring all of that out. Maybe some town hall meetings (with 30-50 residents of Salem-Keizer) would be worth organizing (some specifically for people under 18 and some for adults). Maybe going door-to-door between election cycles, and not just during campaign season, to discuss issues would be worth doing. I don't know. One thing I do know is that taking part in sparsely attended meetings of like-minded people isn't sufficient, therapeutic as those meetings can be.


Our Response

A note of self-criticism: I should have talked more in the "Our Opposition" post about the Voting Rights Act and the FBI. I would not say that people are "stunningly ignorant," however. The phrase could be misunderstood as elitist, might be taken as not showing real love for the people and their struggles and blocks organizing. If we approach people without taking into consider the facts---like I did by not talking about the Voting Rights Act or the FBI, or with the assumption that people are stupid---we can't get very far.

I agree in the main with what our friend says throughout his response, but there are some questions that arise. I don't think that Clinton was a good candidate, or the best candidate, who was put forward, and I don't want us to fall into the trap of making this about candidates. Elections can be---should be---about class and popular struggles, not candidates, It's how we initiate and respond to issues, not individuals, which matters. But how do the Democrats get new and better leadership without criticizing Clinton? Yesterday and today the Democratic party establishment began responding to criticism in unhelpful and obstructionist ways, so the circle-the-wagons mentality is there. The criticism of the Democratic party leadership is needed and deserved, but the folks who hung in there through the election have the credibility (and the responsibility) to fight it out, and they deserve our support.

Besides the Democratic party leadership obstructionists, there are others who potentially block change in the Democratic party. Some of these forces can be won over and others neutralized. Labor presents a special problem because some union leaderships are taking over liberal and progressive political campaigns on the bet that the push for change will increase and they want to direct that and use it, having learned much from Occupy. On the other hand, the union rank-and-file has a different interest and perhaps a different direction. There is an opportunity to win many changes in many areas if we work with all forces in motion on a united front basis.

The qualitative and quantitative juxtaposition and unity mentioned in our friend's response to us derives from dialectical; materialism, the best way to understand reality and change things. We have been saying this for years. The question arises---if one identifies as being on the left and looking at things dialectically, how can it be that we could never embrace a third party as a matter of principle, not promote socialism and not build a left? We say that the political options are so few and so poor precisely because leftists do not work from a socialist agenda in our daily work. We meet people every week who identify as being on the left but who have no connection to the core of the left, which should be socialists and socialist organizations. Their political work would be more effective were it built from a socialist base.

It is difficult to hear that there are leftists but no left here. This is becoming a common saying. Again, I argue that this appears to be true because socialists are not doing the work of organizing for socialism from a common home or homes.

Meetings are indeed poorly attended, and that is discouraging, but large demonstrations are taking place. We know that when we dare to struggle we most often win. A small meeting can organize a successful action, and action and victories lead to more actions and more victories. The need to "just do it" and the need to consolidate what we do organizationally is right in front of us.

Conversations like these orient towards the most politically engaged. My question remains: do we orient now towards the most politifally engaged or to the most disaffected?           

Sunday, November 13, 2016

Our Opposition

Perhaps it is premature for us to talk about the crisis the left is in and what our path should be. Most of us are shocked by the results of the election---perhaps not the outcome of the vote, but by the dimensions of the vote and the speed at which the right wing is able to pivot and the depth of the divisions among ourselves. Time is not being kind to us as we are torn between the understandable desire to mourn and reflect and the pressing need to take action and demonstrate that Trump and his forces do not have a mandate.

There are reports of fascist-inspired violence and the police are not being gentle at the demonstrations, a right-wing hate machine is turning out racist and homophobic rants and Trump’s followers take these reports for news, there is a real and public push to bring back the House Un-American Activities Committee and to convert Medicare to a voucher program, and the line-up for administration posts and the bureaucracy which makes every government function is so bad that reasonable people are saying that the administration won’t be able to function and will fall before four years are up. The KKK and Nazis are on the march. We are seeing homophobia, racism and xenophobia in motion: it is hard to overstate how serious this is. Freedom Road is correct when they say “We see the New Confederacy as both the main enemy and the dominant force shaping the US political terrain in this moment…” Many activists are attending conferences and doing national phone conferences which are putting together alliances and planning demos. Given this, I feel that anything that I write may be irrelevant tomorrow.

Were this the whole picture, matters would be bad enough. But we also have a left which is more divided than usual, or a left which is deeply divided in a moment when a real left is needed, and a center which struggles now to keep its head above the water. There is the spontaneous movement of people filling the streets in some cities and the on-going resistance at Standing Rock and the resistance carried out by people of color organizations, all of which show the capacity of the people to take action on their own, but there is not yet a mass organized resistance or a united front organized from below or the needed level of solidarity, or even the ideological and practical capacity present on the left, to organize resistance and a united front from below. I have the sense that the center is floundering and that the right-wing is seemingly triumphant in some part because we lack clarity and capacity. And I think that the right-wing is waiting out the protests, waiting for the spontaneity to do damage and then fade, before coming after us.

I trace the main features of this crisis to seven problems:

1.       Clinton was a terrible candidate and her campaign was badly mishandled.
2.       The socialistic impulse which moved the Sanders campaign was not consolidated into an organization.
3.       The right advances as a reaction to the Obama presidency, as a racist reaction to Black progress and immigration more than a response to failed policies. Certain monopolies, like mining and the beef industry, and the armed forces of the state and the security-industrial complex have coincidental interests in making sure that this right-wing advance continues and does so at the expense of people of color.
4.       We on the left have allowed the language of struggle---the idea of revolution and the words “socialist” and “progressive” and the living heat behind the possibility of socialist revolution---to be taken from us.
5.       We do not yet understand the divisions or contradictions existing between the various branches of the capitalist system and the state, and we do not know how to make use of these divisions.
6.       Green ideology and left sectarianism do great damage, but these yield in many instances to self-destructive forms of nihilism and ultraleftism.
7.       The working-class, and particularly people of color and women in the working-class, have shared only incrementally, or not at all, in the post-2007 recovery, with much production and distribution work being taken over by automation.

I have not listed these in a particular order. I want to amplify my point that Clinton was a terrible candidate and ran a poor campaign with two observations. First, the Trump vote was not some kind of uprising or protest vote; it was driven by misogyny and racism and the very mistaken idea that Trump will make things better for people. Regardless of how bad Clinton was as a candidate and how badly her campaign was run, we needed to find a way to speak to people in the U.S. about the particular hatred motivating the Trump vote, and we failed. Why don’t we know how to speak to our people? And how can we advance if we can’t talk to people and win their trust? Second, we needed an electoral victory which united the left with the oppressed and exploited people at the very core of class society in order to win space and time to organize. We let the election be about candidates and not about a strategy and tactics which united women, people of color, workers, LGBTQI people, young people and others. We saw it as a contest between candidates and not as a means of naming and calling out what is sociopathic in this country. We let single-issueism get in our way and let the Democratic party leadership and the Republicans divide us along predictable lines. These were particular failures and they are costing us.

There are at least three tendencies which need to be confronted now. One is the willingness to give Trump a chance, to talk about uniting as a nation and to talk about respecting the outcome of the vote. This demobilizes people and gives Trump and his forces the opportunity to speed up their clock. Polarization will work for us, but only to the extent that it creates real options. Another problem is the tendency for us to blame one another and to avoid focusing on blocking Trump and building an effective united front from below and under the leadership of people of color and women. The “I told you sos” of the Greens and ultraleftists do nothing to build this left unity, and even undermines it. The moralism of Jill Stein and the ultralefts blocks strategic and tactical unity. The appropriation of liberal and progressive political campaigns by certain unions also blocks unity. A third tendency or problem which needs to be confronted is the unwillingness or inability to organize patiently with the people in the workplaces and in our communities. Patient and long-term organizing is needed of the kind which forces us to put aside the no-longer-relevant aspects of our thinking and pick up the daily tasks of loving and serving the people to revolutionary ends.

A united front could push for a new leadership and restructuring of the Democratic party and build a program for change and have it in place for the next elections. Our friends who focus on building a true left within the Democratic party are not wrong or misguided in their efforts if they do this in principled ways. They will be needed in a united front and can bring to that effort credibility and experience. A united front could take the best of the Sanders program and give it life in a broad front of truly progressive forces. A united front could join wide democratic demands to the advanced and necessary program put forward by the Movement For Black Lives and do the absolutely necessary work of bringing people into the streets in support of these demands after it builds trust and credibility on the ground. If we are not in the streets then we are nowhere. A united front could support a struggle in the labor movement around stopping the pipeline, supporting the strikes which will likely occur later this year and in 2017 and replacing union officials who want to compromise with Trump. A united front could carry out the defense work which will be needed as deportations happen and as the inevitable political trials take place.

The election did not mark a defeat for neo-liberalism, as some on the left would have it. Neo-liberalism may be reaching a new stage, and will do so with or without Trump, or it may be changing course, but it has not been defeated. Proponents of the view that Trump’s election marks a defeat for neo-liberalism are logically stuck advocating that we remain on the sidelines and hoping that the system crashes and that a humane alternative then emerges, a nihilistic and opportunistic view if ever there was one and a view which only adds to the crisis. In a social collision under current conditions we will be among the first victims.

At another time we could say that we will pass through a period of protests and adventurism and eventually find our way. We do not have that luxury today. Somewhere between the Moral Mondays movement, the bold interventions of Black Lives Matter, the historic discipline shown by industrial workers when we struck en masse and the creative energies of the Chicano and Native American movements is the example of what we should be doing. Moving from here to there requires constant contact with the masses and accountability, and we won’t find that contact and develop that accountability if we define ourselves by what we are against and do not organize for what we are for. It also requires the humility of going to these movements with a desire to learn before leading. The positive approach is to build broad unity. The psychology of being the critics and the opposition, and not the builders and co-creators alongside of the working-class, has taken hold in much of the left and needs to be discarded.

Democracy is important because it brings us into a consciousness of our true selves, into an understanding of ourselves as human beings with great potential, and it trains us and disciplines us in methods of organizing and taking and holding power. This is why the right-wing so hates democracy, and so it is also why every struggle in this country starts with a struggle for full democratic rights and why our separate struggles have the expansive power that they do. What concerns me here is that some of the loudest voices on the left say that there is nothing to lose, that there has been no change, that we hit a wall long ago. Countering that is the optimistic spirit of the people and the desire among the people for peace, justice and security. Whatever we build on the left needs to be built by people who invest in radical change because they know that they have something to lose if things don’t change.

The question I am struggling the most with as a white working-class male living in a small town is where our immediate organizing responsibilities lie. Do we organize among the most politically engaged people and draw them in to taking leadership, or do we organize among the most disaffected people, the people who feel no real stake in the system, and work among them to build radical engagement? These are two very different strategies and require different tactics and structures.

The analogy or metaphor that I’m most comfortable with in the present moment is an old one taken from the mining unions: we were effectively “on strike” against racism, misogyny, the wealth divide, college debt, poor healthcare options and police brutality, our “picket line” was our vote, and scabs broke our “strike.” We are returning to our jobs defeated, but now our task is to win over some of the scabs and “strike” again and use all of our smarts when we do. Ultraleftists criticize my reasoning, but I can’t see that I’m completely wrong here.

We are struggling with defeat and setbacks, but defeat is not inevitable. Never give up!

Our Opposition

Perhaps it is premature for us to talk about the crisis the left is in and what our path should be. Most of us are shocked by the results of the election---perhaps not the outcome of the vote, but by the dimensions of the vote and the speed at which the right wing is able to pivot and the depth of the divisions among ourselves. Time is not being kind to us as we are torn between the understandable desire to mourn and reflect and the pressing need to take action and demonstrate that Trump and his forces do not have a mandate.

There are reports of fascist-inspired violence and the police are not being gentle at the demonstrations, a right-wing hate machine is turning out racist and homophobic rants and Trump’s followers take these reports for news, there is a real and public push to bring back the House Un-American Activities Committee and to convert Medicare to a voucher program, and the line-up for administration posts and the bureaucracy which makes every government function is so bad that reasonable people are saying that the administration won’t be able to function and will fall before four years are up. The KKK and Nazis are on the march. We are seeing homophobia, racism and xenophobia in motion: it is hard to overstate how serious this is. Freedom Road is correct when they say “We see the New Confederacy as both the main enemy and the dominant force shaping the US political terrain in this moment…” Many activists are attending conferences and doing national phone conferences which are putting together alliances and planning demos. Given this, I feel that anything that I write may be irrelevant tomorrow.

Were this the whole picture, matters would be bad enough. But we also have a left which is more divided than usual, or a left which is deeply divided in a moment when a real left is needed, and a center which struggles now to keep its head above the water. There is the spontaneous movement of people filling the streets in some cities and the on-going resistance at Standing Rock and the resistance carried out by people of color organizations, all of which show the capacity of the people to take action on their own, but there is not yet a mass organized resistance or a united front organized from below or the needed level of solidarity, or even the ideological and practical capacity present on the left, to organize resistance and a united front from below. I have the sense that the center is floundering and that the right-wing is seemingly triumphant in some part because we lack clarity and capacity. And I think that the right-wing is waiting out the protests, waiting for the spontaneity to do damage and then fade, before coming after us.

I trace the main features of this crisis to seven problems:

1.       Clinton was a terrible candidate and her campaign was badly mishandled.
2.       The socialistic impulse which moved the Sanders campaign was not consolidated into an organization.
3.       The right advances as a reaction to the Obama presidency, as a racist reaction to Black progress and immigration more than a response to failed policies. Certain monopolies, like mining and the beef industry, and the armed forces of the state and the security-industrial complex have coincidental interests in making sure that this right-wing advance continues and does so at the expense of people of color.
4.       We on the left have allowed the language of struggle---the idea of revolution and the words “socialist” and “progressive” and the living heat behind the possibility of socialist revolution---to be taken from us.
5.       We do not yet understand the divisions or contradictions existing between the various branches of the capitalist system and the state, and we do not know how to make use of these divisions.
6.       Green ideology and left sectarianism do great damage, but these yield in many instances to self-destructive forms of nihilism and ultraleftism.
7.       The working-class, and particularly people of color and women in the working-class, have shared only incrementally, or not at all, in the post-2007 recovery, with much production and distribution work being taken over by automation.

I have not listed these in a particular order. I want to amplify my point that Clinton was a terrible candidate and ran a poor campaign with two observations. First, the Trump vote was not some kind of uprising or protest vote; it was driven by misogyny and racism and the very mistaken idea that Trump will make things better for people. Regardless of how bad Clinton was as a candidate and how badly her campaign was run, we needed to find a way to speak to people in the U.S. about the particular hatred motivating the Trump vote, and we failed. Why don’t we know how to speak to our people? And how can we advance if we can’t talk to people and win their trust? Second, we needed an electoral victory which united the left with the oppressed and exploited people at the very core of class society in order to win space and time to organize. We let the election be about candidates and not about a strategy and tactics which united women, people of color, workers, LGBTQI people, young people and others. We saw it as a contest between candidates and not as a means of naming and calling out what is sociopathic in this country. We let single-issueism get in our way and let the Democratic party leadership and the Republicans divide us along predictable lines. These were particular failures and they are costing us.

There are at least three tendencies which need to be confronted now. One is the willingness to give Trump a chance, to talk about uniting as a nation and to talk about respecting the outcome of the vote. This demobilizes people and gives Trump and his forces the opportunity to speed up their clock. Polarization will work for us, but only to the extent that it creates real options. Another problem is the tendency for us to blame one another and to avoid focusing on blocking Trump and building an effective united front from below and under the leadership of people of color and women. The “I told you sos” of the Greens and ultraleftists do nothing to build this left unity, and even undermines it. The moralism of Jill Stein and the ultralefts blocks strategic and tactical unity. The appropriation of liberal and progressive political campaigns by certain unions also blocks unity. A third tendency or problem which needs to be confronted is the unwillingness or inability to organize patiently with the people in the workplaces and in our communities. Patient and long-term organizing is needed of the kind which forces us to put aside the no-longer-relevant aspects of our thinking and pick up the daily tasks of loving and serving the people to revolutionary ends.

A united front could push for a new leadership and restructuring of the Democratic party and build a program for change and have it in place for the next elections. Our friends who focus on building a true left within the Democratic party are not wrong or misguided in their efforts if they do this in principled ways. They will be needed in a united front and can bring to that effort credibility and experience. A united front could take the best of the Sanders program and give it life in a broad front of truly progressive forces. A united front could join wide democratic demands to the advanced and necessary program put forward by the Movement For Black Lives and do the absolutely necessary work of bringing people into the streets in support of these demands after it builds trust and credibility on the ground. If we are not in the streets then we are nowhere. A united front could support a struggle in the labor movement around stopping the pipeline, supporting the strikes which will likely occur later this year and in 2017 and replacing union officials who want to compromise with Trump. A united front could carry out the defense work which will be needed as deportations happen and as the inevitable political trials take place.

The election did not mark a defeat for neo-liberalism, as some on the left would have it. Neo-liberalism may be reaching a new stage, and will do so with or without Trump, or it may be changing course, but it has not been defeated. Proponents of the view that Trump’s election marks a defeat for neo-liberalism are logically stuck advocating that we remain on the sidelines and hoping that the system crashes and that a humane alternative then emerges, a nihilistic and opportunistic view if ever there was one and a view which only adds to the crisis. In a social collision under current conditions we will be among the first victims.

At another time we could say that we will pass through a period of protests and adventurism and eventually find our way. We do not have that luxury today. Somewhere between the Moral Mondays movement, the bold interventions of Black Lives Matter, the historic discipline shown by industrial workers when we struck en masse and the creative energies of the Chicano and Native American movements is the example of what we should be doing. Moving from here to there requires constant contact with the masses and accountability, and we won’t find that contact and develop that accountability if we define ourselves by what we are against and do not organize for what we are for. It also requires the humility of going to these movements with a desire to learn before leading. The positive approach is to build broad unity. The psychology of being the critics and the opposition, and not the builders and co-creators alongside of the working-class, has taken hold in much of the left and needs to be discarded.

Democracy is important because it brings us into a consciousness of our true selves, into an understanding of ourselves as human beings with great potential, and it trains us and disciplines us in methods of organizing and taking and holding power. This is why the right-wing so hates democracy, and so it is also why every struggle in this country starts with a struggle for full democratic rights and why our separate struggles have the expansive power that they do. What concerns me here is that some of the loudest voices on the left say that there is nothing to lose, that there has been no change, that we hit a wall long ago. Countering that is the optimistic spirit of the people and the desire among the people for peace, justice and security. Whatever we build on the left needs to be built by people who invest in radical change because they know that they have something to lose if things don’t change.

The question I am struggling the most with as a white working-class male living in a small town is where our immediate organizing responsibilities lie. Do we organize among the most politically engaged people and draw them in to taking leadership, or do we organize among the most disaffected people, the people who feel no real stake in the system, and work among them to build radical engagement? These are two very different strategies and require different tactics and structures.

The analogy or metaphor that I’m most comfortable with in the present moment is an old one taken from the mining unions: we were effectively “on strike” against racism, misogyny, the wealth divide, college debt, poor healthcare options and police brutality, our “picket line” was our vote, and scabs broke our “strike.” We are returning to our jobs defeated, but now our task is to win over some of the scabs and “strike” again and use all of our smarts when we do. Ultraleftists criticize my reasoning, but I can’t see that I’m completely wrong here.

We are struggling with defeat and setbacks, but defeat is not inevitable. Never give up!

Our Opposition

Perhaps it is premature for us to talk about the crisis the left is in and what our path should be. Most of us are shocked by the results of the election---perhaps not the outcome of the vote, but by the dimensions of the vote and the speed at which the right wing is able to pivot and the depth of the divisions among ourselves. Time is not being kind to us as we are torn between the understandable desire to mourn and reflect and the pressing need to take action and demonstrate that Trump and his forces do not have a mandate.

There are reports of fascist-inspired violence and the police are not being gentle at the demonstrations, a right-wing hate machine is turning out racist and homophobic rants and Trump’s followers take these reports for news, there is a real and public push to bring back the House Un-American Activities Committee and to convert Medicare to a voucher program, and the line-up for administration posts and the bureaucracy which makes every government function is so bad that reasonable people are saying that the administration won’t be able to function and will fall before four years are up. The KKK and Nazis are on the march. We are seeing homophobia, racism and xenophobia in motion: it is hard to understate how serious this is. Freedom Road is correct when they say “We see the New Confederacy as both the main enemy and the dominant force shaping the US political terrain in this moment…” Many activists are attending conferences and doing national phone conferences which are putting together alliances and planning demos. Given this, I feel that anything that I write may be irrelevant tomorrow.

Were this the whole picture, matters would be bad enough. But we also have a left which is more divided than usual, or a left which is deeply divided in a moment when a real left is needed, and a center which struggles now to keep its head above the water. There is the spontaneous movement of people filling the streets in some cities and the on-going resistance at Standing Rock and the resistance carried out by people of color organizations, all of which show the capacity of the people to take action on their own, but there is not yet a mass organized resistance or a united front organized from below or the needed level of solidarity, or even the ideological and practical capacity present on the left, to organize resistance and a united front from below. I have the sense that the center is floundering and that the right-wing is seemingly triumphant in some part because we lack clarity and capacity. And I think that the right-wing is waiting out the protests, waiting for the spontaneity to do damage and then fade, before coming after us.

I trace the main features of this crisis to seven problems:

1.       Clinton was a terrible candidate and her campaign was badly mishandled.
2.       The socialistic impulse which moved the Sanders campaign was not consolidated into an organization.
3.       The right advances as a reaction to the Obama presidency, as a racist reaction to Black progress and immigration more than a response to failed policies. Certain monopolies, like mining and the beef industry, and the armed forces of the state and the security-industrial complex have coincidental interests in making sure that this right-wing advance continues and does so at the expense of people of color.
4.       We on the left have allowed the language of struggle---the idea of revolution and the words “socialist” and “progressive” and the living heat behind the possibility of socialist revolution---to be taken from us.
5.       We do not yet understand the divisions or contradictions existing between the various branches of the capitalist system and the state, and we do not know how to make use of these divisions.
6.       Green ideology and left sectarianism do great damage, but these yield in many instances to self-destructive forms of nihilism and ultraleftism.
7.       The working-class, and particularly people of color and women in the working-class, have shared only incrementally, or not at all, in the post-2007 recovery, with much production and distribution work being taken over by automation.

I have not listed these in a particular order. I want to amplify my point that Clinton was a terrible candidate and ran a poor campaign with two observations. First, the Trump vote was not some kind of uprising or protest vote; it was driven by misogyny and racism and the very mistaken idea that Trump will make things better for people. Regardless of how bad Clinton was as a candidate and how badly her campaign was run, we needed to find a way to speak to people in the U.S. about the particular hatred motivating the Trump vote, and we failed. Why don’t we know how to speak to our people? And how can we advance if we can’t talk to people and win their trust? Second, we needed an electoral victory which united the left with the oppressed and exploited people at the very core of class society in order to win space and time to organize. We let the election be about candidates and not about a strategy and tactics which united women, people of color, workers, LGBTQI people, young people and others. We saw it as a contest between candidates and not as a means of naming and calling out what is sociopathic in this country. We let single-issueism get in our way and let the Democratic party leadership and the Republicans divide us along predictable lines. These were particular failures and they are costing us.

There are at least three tendencies which need to be confronted now. One is the willingness to give Trump a chance, to talk about uniting as a nation and to talk about respecting the outcome of the vote. This demobilizes people and gives Trump and his forces the opportunity to speed up their clock. Polarization will work for us, but only to the extent that it creates real options. Another problem is the tendency for us to blame one another and to avoid focusing on blocking Trump and building an effective united front from below and under the leadership of people of color and women. The “I told you sos” of the Greens and ultraleftists do nothing to build this left unity, and even undermines it. The moralism of Jill Stein and the ultralefts blocks strategic and tactical unity. The appropriation of liberal and progressive political campaigns by certain unions also blocks unity. A third tendency or problem which needs to be confronted is the unwillingness or inability to organize patiently with the people in the workplaces and in our communities. Patient and long-term organizing is needed of the kind which forces us to put aside the no-longer-relevant aspects of our thinking and pick up the daily tasks of loving and serving the people to revolutionary ends.

A united front could push for a new leadership and restructuring of the Democratic party and build a program for change and have it in place for the next elections. Our friends who focus on building a true left within the Democratic party are not wrong or misguided in their efforts if they do this in principled ways. They will be needed in a united front and can bring to that effort credibility and experience. A united front could take the best of the Sanders program and give it life in a broad front of truly progressive forces. A united front could join wide democratic demands to the advanced and necessary program put forward by the Movement For Black Lives and do the absolutely necessary work of bringing people into the streets in support of these demands after it builds trust and credibility on the ground. If we are not in the streets then we are nowhere. A united front could support a struggle in the labor movement around stopping the pipeline, supporting the strikes which will likely occur later this year and in 2017 and replacing union officials who want to compromise with Trump. A united front could carry out the defense work which will be needed as deportations happen and as the inevitable political trials take place.

The election did not mark a defeat for neo-liberalism, as some on the left would have it. Neo-liberalism may be reaching a new stage, and will do so with or without Trump, or it may be changing course, but it has not been defeated. Proponents of the view that Trump’s election marks a defeat for neo-liberalism are logically stuck advocating that we remain on the sidelines and hoping that the system crashes and that a humane alternative then emerges, a nihilistic and opportunistic view if ever there was one and a view which only adds to the crisis. In a social collision under current conditions we will be among the first victims.

At another time we could say that we will pass through a period of protests and adventurism and eventually find our way. We do not have that luxury today. Somewhere between the Moral Mondays movement, the bold interventions of Black Lives Matter, the historic discipline shown by industrial workers when we struck en masse and the creative energies of the Chicano and Native American movements is the example of what we should be doing. Moving from here to there requires constant contact with the masses and accountability, and we won’t find that contact and develop that accountability if we define ourselves by what we are against and do not organize for what we are for. It also requires the humility of going to these movements with a desire to learn before leading. The positive approach is to build broad unity. The psychology of being the critics and the opposition, and not the builders and co-creators alongside of the working-class, has taken hold in much of the left and needs to be discarded.

Democracy is important because it brings us into a consciousness of our true selves, into an understanding of ourselves as human beings with great potential, and it trains us and disciplines us in methods of organizing and taking and holding power. This is why the right-wing so hates democracy, and so it is also why every struggle in this country starts with a struggle for full democratic rights and why our separate struggles have the expansive power that they do. What concerns me here is that some of the loudest voices on the left say that there is nothing to lose, that there has been no change, that we hit a wall long ago. Countering that is the optimistic spirit of the people and the desire among the people for peace, justice and security. Whatever we build on the left needs to be built by people who invest in radical change because they know that they have something to lose if things don’t change.

The question I am struggling the most with as a white working-class male living in a small town is where our immediate organizing responsibilities lie. Do we organize among the most politically engaged people and draw them in to taking leadership, or do we organize among the most disaffected people, the people who feel no real stake in the system, and work among them to build radical engagement? These are two very different strategies and require different tactics and structures.

The analogy or metaphor that I’m most comfortable with in the present moment is an old one taken from the mining unions: we were effectively “on strike” against racism, misogyny, the wealth divide, college debt, poor healthcare options and police brutality, our “picket line” was our vote, and scabs broke our “strike.” We are returning to our jobs defeated, but now our task is to win over some of the scabs and “strike” again and use all of our smarts when we do. Ultraleftists criticize my reasoning, but I can’t see that I’m completely wrong here.

We are struggling with defeat and setbacks, but defeat is not inevitable. Never give up!

Our Opposition

Perhaps it is premature for us to talk about the crisis the left is in and what our path should be. Most of us are shocked by the results of the election---perhaps not the outcome of the vote, but by the dimensions of the vote and the speed at which the right wing is able to pivot and the depth of the divisions among ourselves. Time is not being kind to us as we are torn between the understandable desire to mourn and reflect and the pressing need to take action and demonstrate that Trump and his forces do not have a mandate.

There are reports of fascist-inspired violence and the police are not being gentle at the demonstrations, a right-wing hate machine is turning out racist and homophobic rants and Trump’s followers take these reports for news, there is a real and public push to bring back the House Un-American Activities Committee and to convert Medicare to a voucher program, and the line-up for administration posts and the bureaucracy which makes every government function is so bad that reasonable people are saying that the administration won’t be able to function and will fall before four years is up. The KKK and Nazis are on the march. We are seeing racism and xenophobia in motion: it is hard to understate how serious this is. Freedom Road is correct when they say “We see the New Confederacy as both the main enemy and the dominant force shaping the US political terrain in this moment…” Many activists are attending conferences and doing national phone conferences which are putting together alliances and planning demos. Given this, I feel that anything that I write may be irrelevant tomorrow.

Were this the whole picture, matters would be bad enough. But we also have a left which is more divided than usual, or a left which is deeply divided in a moment when a real left is needed, and a center which struggles now to keep its head above the water. There is the spontaneous movement of people filling the streets in some cities and the on-going resistance at Standing Rock and the resistance carried out by people of color organizations, all of which show the capacity of the people to take action on their own, but there is not yet a mass organized resistance or a united front organized from below or the needed level of solidarity, or even the ideological and practical capacity present on the left, to organize resistance and a united front from below. I have the sense that the center is floundering and that the right-wing is seemingly triumphant in some part because we lack clarity and capacity. And I think that the right-wing is waiting out the protests, waiting for the spontaneity to do damage and then fade, before coming after us.

I trace the main features of this crisis to seven problems:

1.       Clinton was a terrible candidate and her campaign was badly mishandled.
2.       The socialistic impulse which moved the Sanders campaign was not consolidated into an organization.
3.       The right advances as a reaction to the Obama presidency, as a racist reaction to Black progress and immigration more than a response to failed policies. Certain monopolies, like mining and the beef industry, and the armed forces of the state and the security-industrial complex have coincidental interests in making sure that this right-wing advance continues and does so at the expense of people of color.
4.       We on the left have allowed the language of struggle---the idea of revolution and the words “socialist” and “progressive” and the living heat behind the possibility of socialist revolution---to be taken from us.
5.       We do not yet understand the divisions or contradictions existing between the various branches of the capitalist system and the state, and we do not know how to make use of these divisions.
6.       Green ideology and left sectarianism do great damage, but these yield in many instances to self-destructive forms of nihilism and ultraleftism.
7.       The working-class, and particularly people of color and women in the working-class, have shared only incrementally, or not at all, in the post-2007 recovery, with much production and distribution work being taken over by automation.

I have not listed these in a particular order. I want to amplify my point that Clinton was a terrible candidate and ran a poor campaign with two observations. First, the Trump vote was not some kind of uprising or protest vote; it was driven by misogyny and racism and the very mistaken idea that Trump will make things better for people. Regardless of how bad Clinton was as a candidate and how badly her campaign was run, we needed to find a way to speak to people in the U.S. about the particular hatred motivating the Trump vote, and we failed. Why don’t we know how to speak to our people? And how can we advance if we can’t talk to people and win their trust? Second, we needed an electoral victory which united the left with the oppressed and exploited people at the very core of class society in order to win space and time to organize. We let the election be about candidates and not about a strategy and tactics which united women, people of color, workers, LGBTQI people, young people and others. We saw it as a contest between candidates and not as a means of naming and calling out what is sociopathic in this country. We let single-issueism get in our way and let the Democratic party leadership and the Republicans divide us along predictable lines. These were particular failures and they are costing us.

There are at least three tendencies which need to be confronted now. One is the willingness to give Trump a chance, to talk about uniting as a nation and to talk about respecting the outcome of the vote. This demobilizes people and gives Trump and his forces the opportunity to speed up their clock. Polarization will work for us, but only to the extent that it creates real options. Another problem is the tendency for us to blame one another and to avoid focusing on blocking Trump and building an effective united front from below and under the leadership of people of color and women. The “I told you sos” of the Greens and ultraleftists do nothing to build this left unity, and even undermines it. The moralism of Jill Stein and the ultralefts blocks strategic and tactical unity. The appropriation of liberal and progressive political campaigns by certain unions also blocks unity. A third tendency or problem which needs to be confronted is the unwillingness or inability to organize patiently with the people in the workplaces and in our communities. Patient and long-term organizing is needed of the kind which forces us to put aside the no-longer-relevant aspects of our thinking and pick up the daily tasks of loving and serving the people to revolutionary ends.

A united front could push for a new leadership and restructuring of the Democratic party and build a program for change and have it in place for the next elections. Our friends who focus on building a true left within the Democratic party are not wrong or misguided in their efforts if they do this in principled ways. They will be needed in a united front and can bring to that effort credibility and experience. A united front could take the best of the Sanders program and give it life in a broad front of truly progressive forces. A united front could join wide democratic demands to the advanced and necessary program put forward by the Movement For Black Lives and do the absolutely necessary work of bringing people into the streets in support of these demands after it builds trust and credibility on the ground. If we are not in the streets then we are nowhere. A united front could support a struggle in the labor movement around stopping the pipeline, supporting the strikes which will likely occur later this year and in 2017 and replacing union officials who want to compromise with Trump. A united front could carry out the defense work which will be needed as deportations happen and as the inevitable political trials take place.

The election did not mark a defeat for neo-liberalism, as some on the left would have it. Neo-liberalism may be reaching a new stage, and will do so with or without Trump, or it may be changing course, but it has not been defeated. Proponents of the view that Trump’s election marks a defeat for neo-liberalism are logically stuck advocating that we remain on the sidelines and hoping that the system crashes and that a humane alternative then emerges, a nihilistic and opportunistic view if ever there was one and a view which only adds to the crisis. In a social collision under current conditions we will be among the first victims.

At another time we could say that we will pass through a period of protests and adventurism and eventually find our way. We do not have that luxury today. Somewhere between the Moral Mondays movement, the bold interventions of Black Lives Matter, the historic discipline shown by industrial workers when we struck en masse and the creative energies of the Chicano and Native American movements is the example of what we should be doing. Moving from here to there requires constant contact with the masses and accountability, and we won’t find that contact and develop that accountability if we define ourselves by what we are against and do not organize for what we are for. It also requires the humility of going to these movements with a desire to learn before leading. The positive approach is to build broad unity. The psychology of being the critics and the opposition, and not the builders and co-creators alongside of the working-class, has taken hold in much of the left and needs to be discarded.

Democracy is important because it brings us into a consciousness of our true selves, into an understanding of ourselves as human beings with great potential, and it trains us and disciplines us in methods of organizing and taking and holding power. This is why the right-wing so hates democracy, and so it is also why every struggle in this country starts with a struggle for full democratic rights and why our separate struggles have the expansive power that they do. What concerns me here is that some of the loudest voices on the left say that there is nothing to lose, that there has been no change, that we hit a wall long ago. Countering that is the optimistic spirit of the people and the desire among the people for peace, justice and security. Whatever we build on the left needs to be built by people who invest in radical change because they know that they have something to lose if things don’t change.

The question I am struggling the most with as a white working-class male living in a small town is where our immediate organizing responsibilities lie. Do we organize among the most politically engaged people and draw them in to taking leadership, or do we organize among the most disaffected people, the people who feel no real stake in the system, and work among them to build radical engagement? These are two very different strategies and require different tactics and structures.

The analogy or metaphor that I’m most comfortable with in the present moment is an old one taken from the mining unions: we were effectively “on strike” against racism, misogyny, the wealth divide, college debt, poor healthcare options and police brutality, our “picket line” was our vote, and scabs broke our “strike.” We are returning to our jobs defeated, but now our task is to win over some of the scabs and “strike” again and use all of our smarts when we do. Ultraleftists criticize my reasoning, but I can’t see that I’m completely wrong here.

We are struggling with defeat and setbacks, but defeat is not inevitable. Never give up!

Monday, October 24, 2016

stream of consciousness

i dont regret voting nader in 2000.
i regret instead that dems left it
to black representatives to fight
for justice and that
so many bought the lie
that my vote cost dems
the election and
brought every disaster since.
and i regret that nader now drives
a corvair between the parted waters,
a lost prophet moses in a desert,
unsafe at any speed
and with a semi full of
absinthe tailgating him.
no plan for unity after that election,
the gulf between us still as poisonous
as flints water, stirred by betty crocker
doing her best imitation
of something named katrina.

i dont regret voting for obama twice.
it was the right thing to do
if you’re serious about
change. but I do regret eight years with no plan
to push, to fight back for blacklivesbrownlives
indianssyrianskurdshonduransafghansbirdsfishwolvesworkers
and the vet two doors down
who killed himself this summer.

we wanted
sanders and still do
wanted sanders wanting marx
wanting lenin wanting nkrumah
wanting toussaint l'ouverture wanting
marat wanting louise michel
wanting big bill haywood
wanting la pasionara.

saccharine drips
from hillary clintons lips,
the auh20 girls arrow points right
for a reason. the candid camera news
finds trump modeling mussolini’s jodhpurs
and declares troy davis innocent. you knew it
all along but were afraid to speak truth
to powerlessness.

no plan after gore
no plan after obama
no plan after sanders
no plan after clinton
no plan after trump
no plan except facebook
cat videos and lilo pics
and maybe watching the bravest
black youth taking the hit
and you acting wise behind it all,
like you have a line on something.
are you counting on global warming
to make this swamp recede?

on november 9 you will go to work,
read the paper, perhaps mourn
for another person of color
killed in the line of duty
of living. the boss the police the parents the principal
the dean the bank the health insurer the drill sergeant
the bill collector the crazed husband the dealer the new
issue of people the oxycodone the loose muffler the police
the tsa the dems the republicans the greens the libertarians
the new circus come to town the preacher the nra the pba the
dhs the ins the shrink the extra 15 pounds the internet porn the
police the nightmares the ptsd the operation you need the desire to
be someone else somewhere else the police the 911 truthers the hillarys
telling you that you cant dream the police will have their way with you and
life may go on.

its not that the deck is stacked,
its that diamonds were never meant for you
and the deck has no hearts.
clubs and spades have suited us best over the
years, but its the jokers we honor most. tarot may
be the devil’s work, but we’re surely catching hell and
the upside down hanged man has a story to tell you.
listen carefully.

they lie to us.
its their job.
some people make steel.
some people drive trucks.
some people wait tables.
some people tell lies.
some people fall in love with lying,
others in love with liars.
the half-life of their lies
lasts longer than
the nuclear waste
on that reservation,
extends longer than
that pipeline.
it really is that simple.

dont fall for trump telling you to
make america grate again
or some ayn rand fable
or some green jam
or some hillary jive.
atlas shrugged because he didnt
give a damn about you.

i don’t care if you
vote green or vote hillary.
no vote against trump is wasted.
but any bartender
worth her rye
will tell you
its the morning after
that matters.
have a cure for the four year hangover
that will surely come
no matter who wins.
and forget the advice
that tells you to
drink more poison
to feel better.

what will your protest sign say?
what will you tell
the guy at the gas station
with his ar 15?
how will you explain to the cop that,
no, you wont move out of the street,
or to your boss that youre on strike
or that life weighs more than dollars?
what will you tell the tsa man at the airport
as he lines you up, yells at you, has you
remove clothing items and moves you
towards a gate? the grainy 1940s
film, silent loops of acetate, rewind.

can you tell nestle no, we need our water?
can you tell the butcher no, that calf has rights?
can you tell the bureaucrat no, this is our union?
can you beg your heart for one more day
and use it to fight for kidspeacewomenjustice
gaysairtranspeopledemocracypeopleofcolor
yourcoworkersabortionrightspuertoricowater
librarieshousing and that lost old man on the bus?
can you say, no, shes my sister, you cant
take her without taking me? will the wall be
better if its built by union labor?

practice your lines right now, tonight.

youre needed.