What does it mean to be a revolutionary in our time?

What does it mean to be a revolutionary in our time? Tim Horras of Philly Socialists offers this trenchant reflection in an answer to the question and also comments on Jacobin Magazine as a point of departure. Some readers will stumble over what "reformism" means---look here for your first answer. Some readers may not know what Jacobin Magazine is or what it represents.See Jacobin here. The magazine is a weak attempt at reflecting divergent socialist opinion and likely captures the views of many of the folks who lead Democratic Socialists of America. A liberal critique of Francis Fukuyama can be found here; Fukuyama's ideas are something we take particular exception to. The fact is that people new to the socialist movement or socialism may not understand the differences of opinion expressed here or why such differences matter. With some reflection, though, readers can see that we have a number of contesting schools of thought in the socialist movement, we always have, and that if you want this to be your movement then you will study the questions and form your opinions in dialogue with other.

Tim Horras writes:

Despite the accusations to the contrary, revolutionary socialists don't take isolation from the masses as a point of pride. We're not afraid to get reformist cooties.

The fact that the revolutionary left has been cut off from an organic connection to working class life for some time is a structural phenomenon correlated to decades of political defeat rather than idiosyncratic attachment to hammer and sickle iconography. And, let's be real: the reformist left is equally disconnected from working class life, and y'all have your own sacred cows which similarly lack any rational relation to either strategy or social base.

There are trends among the revolutionary left which are clumsily grasping toward a path forward in both theory and practice. But the gatekeepers at Jacobin Magazine aren't interested in engaging with these thinkers and activists, because it would be handing over ammunition to their political opponents. The hope is that we can get frozen out of the discussion.

However, while barred entry into the mainstream of the movement, they can't cordon us off entirely, and our successes in working around the edges has seeped into the very center of their political organizations and discourse. Today, even our opponents are forced to articulate how reformist strategy "builds a base" and defend their favored tactics against "politicized service work." We're weak and fragmented, it's true. But we're growing. We don't have the mic; nevertheless we're helping to set the agenda.

What does it mean to be a revolutionary in our time? Primarily it's about being more open to contingency, to the unexpected, anticipating a roller coaster of political twists and turns rather polishing a left gloss on Fukayama end-of-history triumphalism. Being a revolutionary means recognizing that the future won't look like the past or the present; that whatever the coming decades hold, it won't be a permanent status quo, an endless haggling with class enemies over budgetary line items.

The foundation of the capitalist regime is crumbling; the house is sinking. It won't cave in tomorrow, but neither will it continue to stand without the application of new scaffolding to every single pillar of the base.

Reformists would like to think we can remodel the house; paper over the cracks and add some colorful window dressing. But none of their prescriptions will address the rot in the foundation below. Our choices are to stand idly and let the structure collapse or to tear it down and build ourselves a new home.